|
CHAPTER SUMMARIES
The introductory chapter by Gerd Junne and Willemijn Verkoren outlines the background and aims of the book. It hypothesises that an integration of the peacebuilding, security and development fields is needed in order to adequately address the problems faced by societies recovering from violent conflict. This is important because the majority of developing countries are dealing with the legacy of conflict. “Regular” development strategies do not suffice in these countries, the authors write. The aim of the book, then, is to draw on experience in postconflict societies to outline some of the main dilemmas and strategies of postconflict development. To top Security is a central issue in any post-conflict situation, affecting the prospects for development and peace-building. In the first chapter, Dirk Salomons notes that the successful disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants after violent conflict represent ‘the touchstone, the moment of truth’, for any peace-building process. Salomons’ chapter addresses the conditions that support or threaten the successful reintegration of former combatants into society. It describes the component elements of such a process, and provides illustrations of activities that have been effective, as well as of initiatives that have failed. The ‘seductive tenacity of war economies’ constitutes an important barrier to the success of DDR and of post-conflict development as a whole, and no strategy of DDR can succeed without taking this aspect into account. What, then, can the international community do to help to shape a secure environment after conflict by supporting DDR? The basic formula, writes Salomons, is simple: where strong political will, effective military enforcement capacity and sufficient economic resources converge, the transition from a war economy to a peaceful society has a fair chance of succeeding. To top In the second chapter, Jose Luis Herrero addresses the (re)building of state institutions in the immediate aftermath of violent conflict, which is a unique undertaking that has little resemblance to standard institution building efforts or development work. The main differences lay in the order of priorities -in the aftermath of violent conflict, there is one obvious priority: avoiding renewed violence. Introducing a fully democratic system does not guarantee the preservation of peace in a situation such as the one in Kosovo, which was characterized by a collapse of previously existing official administrative structures, a withdrawal of previously existing security and law enforcement structures, and the prevalence of the ethnic, political and social tensions that originated the conflict. In such a situation, democratisation may have to proceed gradually. Thus, as in Kosovo, allocating fixed numbers of parliamentary seats to minority groups may be a useful tool to prevent violence and discrimination during the early stages of institution building and post-conflict development. In addition, contrary to what is being done in Afghanistan and Iraq, the UN administration in Kosovo did not grant formal independent authority to local representatives for as long as they were not democratically elected. Since local authorities appointed by a third party lack legitimacy, this intermediary step is a crucial one. To top The third chapter deals with the development of local institutions in the post-conflict phase. There is a general trend towards decentralization and devolution in developing countries as a way to increase “good governance”. Tanja Hohe illuminates some of the pitfalls of these processes in post-conflict countries, drawing lessons from the Community Empowerment and Local Governance Project launched in East Timor by the World Bank and the UN. To engage in social engineering exercises seems very tempting in a post-conflict scenario, yet, without full knowledge of local dynamics, the empowerment of new leaders will fail, as local realities are stronger: traditional leaders and power structures will continue to exists parallel to the new institutions. The same constraint counts for democratisation and the promotion of gender equality and raises the question when and in how far to buy into local power structures. To top In chapter four, Mark Plunkett addresses the issues that arise when attempts are made to restore (or create) the rule of law in the aftermath of violent conflict. In peace operations the (re-)establishment of the rule of law must take priority over, and take place irrespective of, constitutional settlement. The task of a peace operation is to restore the rule of law first and foremost before recreating the state. This restoration of the rule of law is achieved through the delivery of specific peace operation justice packages using a combination of the enforcement model and the negotiated model. The enforcement model entails legitimate minimal and lawfully sanctioned coercion such as arrest, prosecution, detention and trial by war crimes tribunals, and transitional peace operations courts. It also includes public shaming and office disqualification by peace operation criminal justice commissions, and resourcing and training local judges, police, prosecutors, defenders, and custodial officers. The negotiated model is an important complementary package of measures which contribute to the public internalisation and acceptance of the rule of law, including securing voluntary compliance by negotiating fundamental shifts in population consciousness at the three levels of the elite leadership, functionary and village level to replace the culture of violence with negotiated management systems. The negotiated model ensures that the establishment of the rule of law is shaped by the desires and needs of the population. To top The fifth chapter looks at the seemingly neutral (re)building of infrastructure. In fact, as Richard Brown shows, the reconstruction and development of infrastructure after war is not a mere technical task but requires a deep understanding of socioeconomic and physical elements as they relate to the long-term needs of a country and its communities and their constituents. Planners should be sensitive to the fact that infrastructure can serve to connect as well as to divide communities. Wherever conflict has divided communities, the connecting potential of infrastructure should be an integral part of any strategic plan for reconstruction. Interaction with the communities concerned is another prerequisite for a successful rebuilding strategy. The importance of getting it right first time cannot be overstated. The (re-)establishment of infrastructure, particularly electricity, water and telecommunications networks, is for the long-term; prescribing dividing networks is likely to re-enforce political/ethnic divisions for a lengthy time, whilst establishing connecting networks, delivered with sensitivity, can contribute very positively to long-term political/ethnic harmony. To top The role of the news media in contributing to peace-building after conflict is discussed in the sixth chapter by Ross Howard. In the past the media have functioned as a weapon for war as well as instrument of conflict resolution. Particularly in democratising environments, there is a window of opportunity to help the media to steer the right course. But what does this right course entail? There is a healthy debate over journalistic objectivity versus intent and responsibility in shaping people’s perceptions towards understanding and reconciliation. In fact, journalists mediate conflicts whether they intend to or not. Even free media in a democratic environment can exacerbate conflicts: Bad news has a higher news value, and a concentration on such news can have a negative impact on the perception of “the other”. But even with no intent beyond doing the job according to accepted standards, the news media can deliver an essential requisite of conflict resolution, which is communication. The media educates, corrects misperceptions, identifies underlying interests, and humanizes the parties to the dispute. It also provides an emotional outlet, enables consensus-building, and can offer solutions and build confidence. In the last decade, the media’s peace-building potential has become integrated into the foreign aid and intervention policies of a number of major donors. The purpose of most of the interventions remains the support of conventional, reliable journalism. However, there is also a new trend to foster media activities which go well beyond conventional journalism, aiming to produce information specifically designed to influence attitudes toward conflict resolution. To top In post-conflict situations which involve issues directly related to education such as the recognition of identity, cultural development and community survival, the distribution of resources and access to political power, usually little attention is paid to educational reform. Wondem Asres Degu makes a plea in the seventh chapter for more attention to education in the post-conflict phase. The content of curricula significantly affects attitudes and ideas of communities, contributing either to conflict or to peace-building. In addition, seemingly technical decisions, such as in which language to teach, can also affect the fragile peace that has been established. Another issue is that in many cases the education system does not match the demands of the labour market. Wondem Asres addresses these and other issues prevalent in the education sector in post-conflict situations, drawing on experiences in Ethiopia and elsewhere. To top The health system is discussed in the eighth chapter of the book. In post-conflict situations, health facilities are often damaged or destroyed, and there is a shortage of health personnel, both because many fled the country during the conflict and because of limited training opportunities. At the same time, the health situation is often alarming. Many have been injured in the war. In refugee camps there are often risks of epidemics. Many people experience mental health problems such as traumas. Building on the East Timorese experience, which in many respects offered the ideal circumstances for the rapid reconstruction of the health system, Vanessa van Schoor discusses the right and wrong ways of dealing with such a situation. How can available funds best be used? Has the establishment of health services helped to move the East Timorese away from future violence? To top Environmental concerns, writes Martijn Bijlsma in the ninth chapter, should not be left out of post-conflict development planning. Not only can a conflict have environmental causes and consequences, which need to be addressed, but the post-conflict phase also presents opportunities for incorporating environmental concerns into policy. When addressing environmental issues in a post-conflict situation, decision-makers will have to be highly aware of the remaining conflict potential, as well as the general limitations posed by the situation. Among the specific dilemmas decision-makers might be confronted with are the politisation of environmental policy, bias in the selection of beneficiaries, hostility between institutions involved in environmental operations, and a lack of resources. Citing examples from El Salvador and elsewhere, Bijlsma expands on these issues and makes a case for the incorporation of environmental concerns to achieve more sustainable post-conflict development. To top Central to this book’s attempt to combine the development and peace-building schools is a conflict-sensitive economic strategy. In the tenth chapter Bertine Kamphuis sketches some of the main concerns that economic policymakers should consider in post-conflict contexts. Protracted violent conflicts change the economic structures of national economies profoundly and create a ‘conflict economy’, which is not quickly altered by a peace agreement. Such an economy perpetuates the very structures that have given rise to the conflict and can easily lead to new violence. A ‘conflict economy’ consists of four different sub-economies: the ‘international aid economy’, the ‘criminal economy’, the ‘informal economy’, and the remaining ‘formal economy’ which covers only a small fraction of the total economic activity. Rebel groups, violent and criminal entrepreneurs, and aid agencies create new structures of access to resources and power. These alternative structures produce new ‘winners’ and ‘losers’. Economic winners and losers of the conflict economy can be found at both sides of the conflict, independent of who ‘won’ or ‘lost’ the civil war. Kamphuis assesses the impact of economic policy on the conflict economy for the policy fields of employment, taxation, privatisation and export. Her chapter also discusses whether economic policy is a stumbling block or a stepping stone to peace building, and explores some of the economic policy-measures that can contribute to peace building. To top In chapter eleven, Tony Addison, Abdur Chowdhury and S. Mansoob Murshed address the role of finance in post-conflict development: how to pay for reconstruction? How to build a conflict-sensitive financial system? The chapter looks at the financial effects of conflict as well as the effects of financial policy on peace-building, paying special attention to the tax system, currency reform, banking, and poverty reduction. The authors argue that notwithstanding the political challenges, countries should aim for a broad-based recovery that benefits the majority of people and not just a narrow elite. An overarching priority for the poor should be central in post-conflict reconstruction strategies. To achieve this, currency reform should be directed to ensuring a rapid resumption of normal economic activity, and every effort must be made to ensure that banks engage in sound lending since financial problems invariably become fiscal problems. To top The twelfth chapter deals with the role of international donor assistance in post-conflict development. Rex Brynen looks at donor assistance to two of the largest programmes of peace-building in the post-Cold War period, drawing a number of lessons that can be learned from the programme in Palestine and analysing the role of the donors in the reconstructing of Afghanistan. Both Palestine and Afghanistan represent cases of peace-building and reconstruction amid uncertainty, tension, violence, and the danger of a return to war. Four issues of donor assistance are explored in particular detail: pledging gaps and disbursement delays, aid coordination, host country ownership, and the political usages of aid. To top Three case studies have been included in the book in order to illuminate the interactions between the various policy areas discussed in the preceding chapters and to provide concrete examples of more and less successful post-conflict development practices. The first case study, in chapter thirteen, deals with El Salvador. Chris van den Borgh pays particular attention to the dynamics of local capacity building by international donors and organisations, looking at rural development programmes in Chalatenango, a province in El Salvador that was heavily affected by the civil war. A large number of international donors started working in this province to support the process of reconstruction. As political tensions are still considerable the choice to work with particular actors and to by-pass others is crucial. Do external agents choose to work with government agents, groups from civil society or political parties (or a combination of them)? How do external agents and local counterparts establish their agenda? What are the consequences of development programmes for political processes at both the village level and the provincial level? To top In chapter fourteen Joseph Hanlon takes a closer look at developments in Mozambique, a country which is often cited as a success story of post-conflict development. Hanlon stresses the necessity to qualify this success, however. Over a decade after the peace accord, there are growing concerns about the stability of the country on two grounds: growth has been sharply unequal because of the failure to permit a special post-conflict development strategy, while the transition from one government to another has become locked in what is called ‘democratic minimalism’. Narrow donor obsessions and short term demands have played into the hands of an increasingly corrupt elite. To top The third case study examines the case of Cambodia in chapter fifteen. Cambodian post-conflict development is no success story. How is this explained? Willemijn Verkoren identifies a number of cross-cutting issues that affect development strategies in the various sectors of society: the failure of demobilisation and the reintegration of combatants, the troublesome de-politicisation of structures and institutions, the lack of trust and reconciliation, and the fact that many of the causes of the conflict have yet to be addressed - the underlying causes of the Cambodian conflict were strengthened, not solved, by armed warfare, and are still present in Cambodian society today. To top In the concluding chapter, a number of central and returning themes are identified and a list of dilemma’s, open questions and topics for further research is provided. Although this book does not give a complete and comprehensive account of post-conflict development strategies in all sectors of society, nor prescribe detailed recipes for post-conflict planning, it contributes to policy formulation by providing a broad and thorough overview of the main considerations that have to be taken into account when designing and applying development policies in countries recovering from violent conflict. It will serve to make the reader more conscious of the dangers and opportunities inherent in post-conflict situations, and the ways in which development can contribute to building peace. To top |